Governing the commons elinor ostrom pdf


















Want more? Advanced embedding details, examples, and help! Publication date Usage Public Domain Mark 1. The governance of natural resources used by many individuals in common is an issue of increasing concern to policy analysts. Both state control and privatization of resources have been advocated, but neither the state nor the market have been uniformly successful in solving common pool resource problems. After critiquing the foundations of policy analysis as applied to natural resources, Elinor Ostrom here provides a unique body of empirical data to explore conditions under which common pool resource problems have been satisfactorily or unsatisfactorily solved.

Ostrom first describes three models most frequently used as the foundation for recommending state or market solutions. She then outlines theoretical and empirical alternatives to these models in order to illustrate the diversity of possible solutions. Transactional costs diminish returns, and over time, high transaction costs can mean thousands of money lost, and a reduction of the amount of available capital to invest.

Fees, such mutual fund expense ratios, have the same effect. Different asset classes have different ranges of standard transaction costs and fees. With everything else remaining equal, investors should select assets whose costs are at the low end of the range for their type. Three main factors can influence the decisional power of a firm to choose between market and internal centralization, and finally, the transactional costs.

These are: Uncertainty levels, frequency of transactions and the presence of specific investments. If the influence of this three factors is high, the incentive for a vertical integration is high too along with the typology of activity of the firm itself.

The second match point, could be found in the shared idea that organization has an important role to determine efficiency and fairness. The third match point is located in the shared, refused opinion that the economic agents are perfectly rational and they assume the people can have incomplete knowledge and many times, are characterized by a bounded rationality.

The last match point refers to the sharing opinion about the fact that economics should reason beyond the theory of the market, based on the market prices. The markets do not work appropriately if there are no proper regulations either in the aspect of stipulation and respect. In his Nobel Prize Lecture[1. Notes: [1. In , Monsanto sued a farmer, who kept the seeds from the former OGM plants in order to reuse them in future, for a violation of the property rights.

From this point on, it was born a global also here, in Europe discussion about the validity or not of the license extension for OGM seeds. This is a direct result of a lack of certain economically ideal factors, which prevents equilibrium. We include the third party external costs arising, for example, from pollution of the atmosphere. This creates negative externalities which impose higher social costs on other firms and consumers.

Another example of higher social costs comes from the problems caused by traffic congestion in towns, cities and on major roads and motor ways. After its promulgation in AD, it became one of the most fundamental law in the Roman Society. It is currently studied in Law Universities all over the Western Countries.

Many of its provisions were in force for centuries afterward. It was first issued in as a complementary charter to the Magna Charta from which it had evolved. It was reissued in , with a number of minor changes to wording, and then was joined with Magna Carta in the Confirmation of Charters in In contrast to Magna Carta, which dealt with the rights of barons, it provided some real rights, privileges and protections for the common man against the abuses of the encroaching aristocracy.

At a time when the royal forests were the most important potential source of fuel for cooking, heating and industries such as charcoal burning, and such hotly defended rights as pannage pasture for their pigs , estover collecting firewood , agistment grazing , or turbary cutting of turf for fuel. This charter was almost unique in providing a degree of economic protection for free men, who also used the forest to forage for food and to graze their animals.

They removed previously existing rights of local people to carry out activities in these areas, such as cultivation, cutting hay, grazing animals,using other resources such as small timber, fish, and turf or sometimes even living on the land. They have been introduced in the 12th century and but the peak of the procedure was reached in the period. It is not possible to achieve these results for commons like Oceans, Climate, Atmosphere due to the Administrative Costs.

Despite this alerts, there exists international institutions like the Earth System Governance Project, sponsored by United Nations.

His book Leviathan established the foundation for most of Western political philosophy from the perspective of social contract theory. He was one of the founders of modern political philosophy. In addition to political philosophy, Hobbes also contributed to a diverse array of other fields, including history, geometry, the physics of gases, theology, ethics, and general philosophy.

Sen is best known for his work on the causes of famine, which led to the development of practical solutions for preventing or limiting the effects of real or perceived shortages of food. He is currently the Thomas W. He is the first Indian and the first Asian academic to head an Oxbridge college. He also serves as the first Chancellor of the proposed Nalanda International University.

Sen's books have been translated into more than thirty languages over a period of forty years. He is a trustee of Economists for Peace and Security. In , Time magazine listed him under "60 years of Asian Heroes" and in included him in their " most influential persons in the world".

Fascinated by the role of political institutions in formuLating policies, he sought in his writings to bring home to his reader the consequences to be expected from policy options adopted in utilizations of natural resources. Born in in Langenberg, Germany, he was a Ph. He died in in Berkeley, California. He received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in Additionally, Coase's transaction costs approach is currently influential in modern organizational economics, where it was reintroduced by Oliver E.

These characteristics are needed to reach a responsible auto-organization. Ostrom realized that bad managed commons which led to the tragedy of the commons cannot be solved through the classic solutions of market or by public authorities. This conclusion overcome years of traditionalism where these goods were misused or over-exploited. The solution proposed to stop those issues were inappropriate and often, dangerous for the future of the same commons.

These empirical studies demonstrated what she was looking for: there are evidence which demonstrate the fact that a Third way beyond public and private is achievable, in both economic and institutional ways. So, all the communities should not feel as condemned to tragedy. Universal solutions the afore-mentioned panaceas are hard if not impossible to find.

Otherwise, there were also failures: conclusions can be made behind the reasons of these failures. The analysis was conducted with the rigorous methods of the biologists, by analyzing small communities and small CPRs under the surface, in order to find the existing sorts of relationships between the individuals of the communities, their relationships with the CPRs and with the local institutions and most important, to find the right terms which can guarantee the best access to every appropriator so as to reach a farsighted future for all the actors involved.

All the cases also tried to analyze the institutional changes over the time, but not all of them reached an idealistic combination to allow to all the continuity of the CPRs.

Communities today, represent the leading players against the logic of the market, where relationships between individuals still counts more than business partnerships. Of course relationships are not only related to families, but they represent also a dimension where connections between individuals are well- established to front the past or present problems born from egotistical flatteries, which can ruin democratic access and participation to the CPRs or to their administration.

New democratic forms, like the horizontal one, are insistently required to overtake the bureaucracies and the power of the corporations, but these forms happen under the regulation of public authorities. In the section 2. This complex lead to two definitions: appropriation and appropriators. The appropriators are the people who participate at the appropriation: they are non-other than all the individuals who participate to a CPR, no matter if they are fishers or herders or whatever, which consume the withdrawn unities for their own purpose.

The appropriators could be divided into two categories: suppliers or producers. Suppliers are the people who structured the system at the beginning, while the producers represent the people who guarantee the maintenance and the sustainability over the long run; they can also be individuals or firms; either suppliers and producers at the same time; the withdrawal of the unities can be sequential or simultaneous.

The only exceptions are situated in the process of common appropriation of the source: this is not commonly accepted, whereas the benefits coming from the enhancement of the system are distributed in a fair way between all the involved appropriators, even if they did not intervene in the enhancement process.

The basic principles of the CPRs remind some characteristics of other typology of goods: for example the CPRs are very close to the public goods in terms of costs to exclude an appropriator and contemporaneously they are close to the private goods in procedural terms, especially if the most relevant problem is the over-exploitation of the CPRs.

The main problem which afflicts the appropriators is related to the lacks in the capacity of organization, which can entail miss agreements for: the acceptance of rules related to the withdrawals; sorts of contribution given or to the system; technique to monitor and sanction the trespassers.

These contentions brought uncertainty to the institutional process and the appropriators found many obstacles to face, despite the use of trial and error approach, which usually allows the possibility to overcome many problems over the time. Anyway there is the necessity to build an organization, an aggregation of individuals which is needed to reorganize the activities through the use of sequential decisions.

To avoid these problems, individuals must be involved in the analysis and must understand three sequential levels: the incentives which conditions the individuals; the characteristics which can facilitate the collective action and finally, and institutional level. This is the product of multiple collaborations among researchers from around the world who were interested in understanding how individuals behave in collective action settings and the institutional foundations that inform such arrangements.

These databases are specifically divided into different typologies to study the CPRs in an appropriate way for example, there are researchers who study forests and others who will study fisheries to avoid confusions in cataloguing: anyway it is obvious that the results from all these different groups are used in a comparative analysis.

Figure 2. It represents the place also called as action situation where the actors operate and where social choices and decision usually takes place. The arena and all the actors operating in it, are influenced by several kinds of Factors. These factors interacts with the group of appropriators and with the capacity of consumption of the exploitation o Socio-economic factors: represent either the features of the appropriators and the cultural and social characteristics of the community.

The analysis is concentrated on the degree of dependence of the appropriation by the users and values shared by the appropriators. The analysis of various system with the IAD framework granted many researchers to compare the results and arrive at the definition of some design principles, which were fundamental for many systems. These principles do not define precise rules, but they are flexible to every local system, therefore the rules are variable.

The comparison between several cases allowed the observation of a particular phenomenon: if rules are respected, all the actors will definitively reach a sustainable solution for the dilemma, without any aid from the outside like the public authorities. These principles do not show the characteristic of necessity and sufficiency for the definition of a successful system, because other factors can intervene in these institutions, declaring either success of the failure.

Many hypothesis were made by Ostrom and other researchers about the possibility that groups of individuals are perfectly able to self-organize for a reasonable long time, in self-government forms, while other groups are not able to achieve it. This comparisons were the incentives which led them to the definition of internal and external factors, factors that prevented or permitted to some communities around the world to self-organize themselves and manage CPRs. In many of the considered communities, were found an uncertain outside environment opposing at a strengthened internal one.

These communities also were more confident for the future and shared many habits from the past: this means that their discount rate[2. The creation of rules, in these circumstances, inspired good behaviors, avoided the arise of several internal conflicts, permitted to these communities to build a good reputation and improved of the level of trust between the individuals.

Other characteristics found in these scenarios were: the homogeneity of the groups; the sustainability of the system after the instauration of the institution; the evolution over the time of the same institutions in conjunction with external changes. These principles are: 1. Clear boundaries and membership: individuals and the families which have right to withdraw a precise number of units from the CPR, must be explicitly identified and the same CPR must be defined. Congruent rules: there must be a congruence between the rules of appropriation and provision, and also between the previous rules with the local conditions.

Appropriation and provision rules must be specific for the considered environment. In order to let the self-government regularly function, it is necessary for the majority of the individuals, to have the possibility to change the rules, to adequate them at some peculiarities or to systemic changes.

The fact that correct rules would be respected is not granted. To reach a reasonable level of respect, the institutions must operate enforcements and investments in monitoring and sanctioning. Monitoring: the member of the community must be responsible for either the controllers and for the other members of the community.

They are also responsible for the accountability. The members must implement audit systems. Graduated sanctions: There must be the possibility to punish and sanction, in a graduated way, whoever would violate the operative rules. Solid institutions often presents systems of monitoring and sanctions managed by the same members of the institutions, instead of presenting external monitors. The first sanctions usually result to be surprisingly low. Many researchers talked about the system of the sanctions, like Margaret Levi[2.

Jon Elster on the other way, studied the effects of the monitoring costs, due to the fact that the sanctioning costs are higher for who punish instead for who is punished. Often the monitors receives extra benefits or a social approval, while whoever is caught in vioLating the rules will lose his personal prestige. Conflict resolution mechanisms: the appropriators and whoever is in charge should have quick access to the local system to solve the conflicts between appropriators in the cheapest way.

Recognized rights to self-organize: the rights hold by the appropriators cannot be criticized by outside institutions, even in case of governmental authorities. Nested enterprises: in case of organizations composed on more levels, where there is the presence of appropriators, suppliers, controllers, executive committee, representative with the purpose to solve conflicts; there must be the necessity to organize all the members involved in multiple layers of firms or authorities.

In the real world, CPR institutions that succeed are those that survive, and those that fail sometimes cause the resource to disappear. These cases result to be useful to deepen the modalities with these self-organized communities solve two of the major problems: legitimization and the problem of the mutual control, problems strategically connected each other. The solution for the first problem is found in the application by the appropriators of restrictive rules, to maintain under control the activities of appropriation and supply.

These rules, in certain cases, if not respected, would give better results and in some particular cases, the rescue of the entire CPR. The mutual control is often not assigned to external guardians, but the monitoring system are very different, despite the fact that in every system appropriators perform an important role in the activity. Anyway, all these systems have experienced lot of errors before the discovery of good principles which can entail low costs and a good level of institutional planning.

Some studious like Partha Dasgupta and Geoffrey Heal [2. Many other studious of property rights affirmed that problems like the complete depletion of the CPR and exaggerated negotiation costs that led to the exclusion, are likely to happen.

The CPRs which meet these requirements are: Table 2. For centuries, all the peasants cultivated in their fields, while the grazing were conducted on the common alpine pasture. The first ever statement is dated back to these legal documents explained the first rules adopted by the villagers to control all the common lands: from the irrigation systems, to the alpine pastures, the forests, the non-cultivated fields, the paths and the roads.

In the the inhabitants subscribes the act of constitution of an association to preserve the regulation to the use of the mountains, the forests and the common lands, with restrictions for the foreigners. The municipal map with the regulation of all the shared properties was established only in whoever wanted to violate these regulations, received a fine from a local official called gewalthaber.

All the rules of the village were voted by all the members of the association. In this place all the decisions about maintenance, contributes, elections, rights were decided.

This system held up until the 19th century, when the increase of population enhanced the demographic pressure on the available fields and reduced the available fields. In rare cases was found an over-exploitation on the alpine fields, sign that all the swiss forms of regulation worked. The few characteristics in common are: self-governance, low costs of control, low possibility of conflicts, methodologies of allocation. The institutions are changing now in all the Switzerland, due to the change of importance of the production factors, but the change is not uniform.

Table 2. The first estimations made by Margaret A. These three villages, according to McKean, are very similar to the swiss correspondent in their physical features, but they differs in the typology of regulations: many villages was governed by all the paterfamilias, which had a feudal decision-making power the families have political rights connected with the possession of the fields while the other people can work the adjacent fields.

By the end of the 16th century, feudal system changed into a large estate system due to the first ever national cadastral census that coerced the paterfamilias to turn from a feudatory system into a system governed by peasants, which by affirming their properties, established which fields were common and which were private. All the peasants then associated themselves to a group, called Kumi to allocate the fields and regulate the access to the common lands. One particular rule established the access to the common lands only to one member of the family, penalizing the large families.

Another particular rule restricted the harvest of the scarce fruits, while the non-scarce fruits were equally divided by all the members of the Kumi. The works for improvements and the maintenance were fractioned works and involved particular members of the Kumi itself, while the monitoring was a task conducted by guardians or young people. The system of sanctions predicted a graduated series of penalties for a respective series of violations, like disrespect of the Kumi's leader decisions or impatience.

Presided by the by 1 judge and Existence of decides the major of the city. Every water. The canal the canal gates are gates. This system was born in in the area of Ilocos Norte, km north-west from the capital Manila. The Zanjeras are three or more parts of the whole irrigation area, divided in symmetrical lots, distributed like in the figure 2. The participation at the atar guaranteed for each member one vote, a proportional lot of field in every zanjera, and the instruments for the work.

With the vote, the peasants can elect the master the person in charge for motivate all the people involved , a boss, a secretary, a treasurer and a chef because someone might prepare the food for everybody in case of business trips. Every peasant had a contract, called biang ti daga, that allowed them to have the property rights of the fields extended to the irrigation rights.

This contract allowed to every member of the association to hold several lots, one for every section: this partition was democratic and facilitated the possibility for every peasant to irrigate in a favorable area. Higher levels of the whole irrigation system gave the best results. Some lots were closed in cases of drought and some others were assigned to the maintenance of the zanjera itself.

During the years the competition among the member of the atar increased, due earnings related to the partition of work and instruments: Table 2. Many of the water gates maneuvered by the gunglos teams of peasants were obsolete and the water allocation was inefficient, despite the good level of mobilization of the gunglos and high amount of work days employed hours in a year.

From the s, another source of water was added to the mix, coming from the injection of the excess of the water treatment process of the entire area of Los Angeles. The over-exploitation also caused a simultaneous decrease of the groundwater level.

Then the phreatic basic risked to be invaded with the salty water of the adjacent Pacific ocean. The invasion or the potential contamination would have led to an increase of the costs of extraction.

In the end, the increase of the costs of extraction, would have led to an over- exploitation of the basin by the same extractors, due to the recovery from the costs.

Other problems related to the groundwater basins could be ascribed to the water pollution, inefficient strategy adopted by the extractors and the difficulty to obtain correct information about the state of the basins.

Many cases, must be considered as weak or fragile because of the lack in the institutional developments and the uncertainty characterizing the 8 principles explained in the table 2.

During the s, the fishers of the city of Bodrum, a city populated by inhabitants , rarely respected the three miles limit imposed by the local authorities, and contemporaneously the fishers bought and built dozens of big fishing boats, which allowed in the first times, to a rapid enhancement of both fishing and profits. Brown Moreover, the patterns of pooling, sharing and exclusion that Merges described among scientists do continue to fit the GC model; these are not wide-open commons but rather common pools in the GC sense Merges b.

Merges argues that conventional individual IP rights lie at the foundation of these common pool management organizations. Armed with individual rights, the participants have bargaining chips to enter into the common systems that manage general issues of exchange and compensation.

Commons management along these lines resembles the commons management regimes that have emerged in some fisheries in the wake of ITQs: the fishers who have received quota have banded together to manage general ecosystem issues in an integrated way. But I have also aired a number of divergences between the legal literature and the ideas of GC. The critiques that legal scholars have made of GC are basically products of a modernist sensibility, favoring transactional ease, openness, equality, and adaptability.

But the critiques based on these modernist desiderata are not news to Elinor Ostrom, and her thinking since GC has clearly evolved to take similar complaints into account — perhaps most clearly in her newer work on intellectual property as well as IAD. It is worth mentioning too that GC itself was not necessarily hostile to formal law, even to modernist formal law.

She observes as well that these restraints function particularly in the context of public goods or common pool resources. In precisely those contexts, she argues, restraints on alienation can help weed out opportunists, reinforce commitment, police overuse, and induce contributions Fennell GC was a very welcome reminder of the virtues of self-generated community-based property regimes for common pool management. But if there is any way that the legal academics can be helpful in bridging the gap to more modernist conceptions of property, it is in their mindfulness that modernist rights have virtues too — notably equal treatment, openness to the world, voluntariness, adaptability — and in their insistence that those virtues be weighed in the balance, even, or perhaps especially, in governing the commons.

City of Chicago, F. Post, 3 Cai. Y Sup. Cole See Ellickson , at p. However, in the last few years there have been rather few references to GC in connection with climate change. This was a very rough search, because not all these articles were centrally concerned with climate issues. My own view is that this is an oversight that may change before long, however. See text below. My article, entitled The Comedy of the Commons, has had a revival in the internet literature, something that I certainly did not anticipate at the time.

Funding support for this paper came from a summer research grant from the University of Arizona Rogers College of Law. Acheson, J. The Lobster Gangs of Maine. Ackerman, B. A and Stewart, R. B Stanford Law Review — Ankersen, T. T and Ruppert, T.

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